What follows is a short paper I had to write for my Intro to Government and Politics course. It turned out decently, although it was quite rushed.
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It has been asked which view of international politics seems best suited to address the sources of conflict among states today. In order to have a solid foundation from which to answer the question as asked, this paper will take for granted that the political can be understood by the Westphalian System, whereby states each have equal legal standing, and international order (or dis-order) rises from an anarchic method of mutual coordination (Dickerson, Flanagan, O’Neill 89). This paper will briefly examine some examples of modern conflicts between states. These examples will be: the softwood lumber dispute between Canada and the USA; Brazil’s accusations of illegal cotton industry subsidies against the USA; military and ideological tension between Israel and Iran; border disputes between India and Pakistan. This paper will examine these conflicts through the lens of the three dominant theories of international relations (Realism, Liberalism, and Structuralism) and evaluate how the structuralist view is most useful.
First let us understand what we mean by conflict, for that will have an effect on our findings. Clearly, anything which results in the use of violence by one or both of the parties involve can be accepted as a conflict, but does a conflict require military expression, or even the possibility of military expression to be worthy of our notice? I would argue that even where the threat of open hostilities are extremely slim, a difference of opinions, ideals, or interests may be significant enough to one or both of the parties to complicate relations between them. So let ‘conflict’ mean any difference of opinion between states which has a diplomatic effect.
A good example of a peaceful conflict is the dispute between Canada and the USA regarding softwood lumber. This conflict has existed in one form or another for over 20 years. Washington claims that the low cost of harvesting lumber from Canadian crown lands is effectively government subsidization, which is forbidden by trade law and justified the application of a tariff to equalize the artificially low price of Canadian lumber. Ottawa disagrees that this is government subsidization, and thus finds the American import tariffs to be a violation. The case has been arbitrated several times by agencies such as the World Trade Organization and NAFTA (“Softwood Lumber Dispute”). While the dispute appears to have been put to rest for the next several years by a 2006 deal between the two parties signed in Geneva, the history if the issue suggests that it could remain a source of conflict for some time.
In another case arbitrated by the WTO the United States was found on the opposite end of a similar case when Brazil accused the American government of granting prohibited subsidies to its cotton industry (“United States – Subsidies on Upland Cotton”). After several rounds of arbitration and appeals, during which the American cotton industry remained subsidized, the WTO granted Brazil the right to tax American imports to Brazil. Brazil proceeded to threaten new tariffs which would damage several American industries’ performance in Brazil. As a result, the United States negotiated a somewhat bizarre settlement: rather than removing the subsidies to the American cotton industry that the WTO deemed illegal, Washington agreed to subsidize the Brazilian cotton industry as well (Joffe-Walt).
Things take a much more dangerous tone elsewhere, though. The rhetoric between Israel and Iran might lead one to believe that war is always but an eyelash away. Some of the rhetoric literally claims so, such as Benny Morris’ 2008 claim that Israel would certainly attack Iran’s nuclear sites within the year, though it is telling that such an attack never came(Avishai, Aslan). Still, there is continual tension and enduring conflict, particularly over the continuance of Iran’s nuclear program.
On the border between India and Pakistan the rhetoric has led to war. The ownership of the region of Kashmir has been a disputed point for decades: during the partition of India and Pakistan, the logic dictated that majority Muslim areas would go to Pakistan, which should have included Kashmir. Despite the demography of the area, however, Kashmir was ruled by a Hindu maharajah, which India decided was justification enough to forcibly occupy the state for its own. Since that time Pakistan and India have fought three wars, two of which were directly related to the ownership of Kashmir (Shaheen).
Now, let us examine these conflicts using the various theories of international relations.
Realism is a mindset which emphasizes the sovereignty of states, and sees the relationship between states to be adversarial and uncertain. The Realist expects the state to be highly competitive, attempting to mitigate a rival’s advantage and to ensure its own survival by achieving supremacy in a variety of spheres, not the least of these being international influence and military capacity (Dickerson, Flanagan, O’Neill 91).
In our first two examples this Realist perspective seems empty. Neither the dispute between Canada and the USA regarding softwood lumber, nor the dispute between Brazil and the USA regarding cotton subsidies has any security implications. Neither do either of these conflicts seem to be attempts to gain a diplomatic advantage, or mitigate a rival’s. Realism seems a much more comfortable lens with regards to Iran’s ambitions to nuclear capacity, and Israel’s concerns over the same, however. In the middle-east, Israel is surrounded by enemies on every side (Rosenberg), and Iran is simply one of the more capable of these. In this context, then, Iran’s nuclear program could be seen as an attempt to mitigate Israel’s current military advantage. Similarly, in understanding Pakistan and India’s relationship Realism is helpful. Pakistan’s desire to posses Kashmir are an obvious threat to India’s sovereignty, just as India’s initial seizure of Kashmir can be interpreted as an attempt to hedge its own geographic advantage further.
Next let us appreciate a Liberal understanding of these situations. A Liberal will assert that the end of international relations is to maintain order and peace amongst the global community (Dickerson, Flanagan, O’Neill 92-3).
With this understanding the trade disputes between Brazil and the USA, and Brazil and the USA make more sense. Despite being unlikely sources of military conflict, the cordial relationship between the actors is threatened (or at least complicated) by the breakdown of their trade relationships. In both of these cases the actors sought external arbitration from the WTO and, while the USA did not respect the WTO’s ruling in the case of subsidized cotton, the mechanisms in place did lead to the end of the dispute between the USA and Brazil. Between Israel and Iran there seems to be no effective arbitration, however. While surely neither party wants war, Iran’s nuclear program continues, a fact which continues to concern Israel. The rhetoric from both sides does not seem to suggest a desire for the maintenance of order and peace. And between India and Pakistan no agreement has come to fruition, despite UN resolutions from 1948-49 prescribing a “free and impartial plebiscite,” and an agreement in 1972 to negotiate peacefully on the region (Shaheen). This too bodes ill for order and peace.
The third mode of understanding these conflicts, structuralism, proves to be the most thorough. Structuralists hold to the primacy of economic relations in the international community, not the military-security relations which both Realism and Liberalism presume to be most important. The structure of, and relative positions of states within, the world economy provide for a platform of understanding these conflicts (Dickerson, Flanagan, O’Neill 93).
Canada and the USA are both relatively prosperous countries meaning that, despite the fact that the USA is larger, they can come to the negotiating table as equals. Brazil on the other hand, is a much less prosperous nation, relegating it to a disadvantaged position on the world market. This explains the initial American uncooperativeness with Brazil, and also explains why the USA was willing to negotiate a settlement with Brazil only after Brazil threatened tariffs: an economic weapon. The tensions between Israel and Iran, while not entirely economic, are certainly affected by the actors’ relative economies. For instance,when writing on why they believe Israel and Iran will not come to blows, Avishai and Aslan point out that “In times of economic frustration, [Iran relies] on anti-Israel … gambits to distract attention from domestic hardship.” Iran’s nuclear program, they suggest, must be understood in that context (Avishai, Aslan). And finally, while Kashmir may convey a military advantage upon India, India also has an economic interest. Isolated and threatened though it may be, India continues to invest significant amounts of money in the region for development every year (Sanghvi).
So it is that while both realism and liberalism both offer important and valuable insights into the relationships between states, a focus upon a structuralism is the most sure to provide a foundation for understanding and addressing the sources of conflict among modern states.
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Paper-writing in progress.
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Works Cited
Akhtar, Shaheen. “Kashmir: Pakistan’s ‘unfinished agenda.’” Al Jazeera English. 21 Aug 2011. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Avishai, Bernard, Reza Aslan. “An Israeli Strike on Iran, a Plan That Just Doesn’t Fly.” The Washington Post. 10 Aug. 2008. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Dickerson, Mark O., Thomas Flanagan, Brenda O’Neill. An Introduction to Government andPolitics: A Conceptual Approach. Toronto: Nelson Education Ltd, 2010. Print.
Joffe-Walt, Chana. “Why U.S. Taxpayers are Paying Brazillian Cotton Growers.” National Public Radio. 9 Nov. 2010. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Rosenberg, MJ. “Israel Abandoned.” Al Jazeera English. 14 Sept. 2011. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
Sanghvi, Vir. “Think the Unthinkable.” Hindustan Times. 16 Aug. 2008. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
“Softwood Lumber Dispute.” Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. CBC News Online. 23 Aug. 2006. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
“United States – Subsidies on Upland Cotton.” World Trade Organization. Web. 7 Nov. 2011.
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